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A 20-year veteran of the CIA, Lukas served as a covert operations officer and rose to the rank of Chief of Station, where he managed sensitive clandestine programs and foreign intelligence relationships. He previously worked on the National Security Council duri…

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We are constantly being bombarded by the UFO and Alien narrative and now we want the data and to have some fun with it!!!

Walk through the following celebrities and make the call. Are they an Alien? Meaning there’s something just a little too off or unexplainable about them that makes them an alien. Are they Human? Yeah they’re just humans and their antics are normal for the species. Are they a retard? They have ascended to the “retard realm” and cannot be justified in any other way than being retarded.

Have fun. Leave comments at the end. Best ones will be on Razor Wire News this week. If you are with a podcast, we will make sure you are mentioned.

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Alien, Human, or Retard

Primaried

• Massie Blames the Jews

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    • Loren Boebert Managed his Pinecone Allegedly

    • Massie Timeline

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Trump’s China Trip, MKUltra Headlines, Court-Packing Talk, and a Quantum-Energy Week
Razor Wire News recaps a busy week, starting with Trump’s trip to China alongside major CEOs (including Elon Musk and Nvidia’s Jensen Huang), reported Boeing aircraft deals, and tense moments involving press and security; they also discuss China’s posturing, economic weakness, Taiwan messaging, and the “Thucydides Trap.” The hosts review MKUltra history and question why it’s resurfacing, connect it to DOJ action on child gender-affirming care, and criticize sensational hantavirus-in-semen coverage. They note a COVID whistleblower hearing with no Senate Democrats present and discuss claims about media complicity. The show covers Kamala Harris and Democrats discussing court expansion and gerrymandering, plus a Virginia court-purge plot. Science/tech topics include Hostis.black archiving, Boom Supersonic’s containerized 42MW gas turbines, a quantum vacuum energy startup, a warning about gene-edited ticks spreading Alpha-Gal, and Bill Gates’ foundation selling all Microsoft stock, capped by a farm report on “penis fencing” flatworms.

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Trump Goes to China

• Who Went With Him

  • The List of Major Business Players

  • Everyone Loves Elon

• China Changed Rubio’s Name to Get Around His Being Sanctioned

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ALIEN NARRATIVE

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Rubio’s Week as Press Secretary Was Great

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Redistricting and Gerrymandering Fight Continues

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World Wide Wankers

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  • Break down

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AI and Tech

• Why Claude Chose Blackmail and Lying Per Anthropic

Babylon Bee What If there were No Republicans

US Coast Guard Did Not Get Bills Paid During DHS Funding Fight in Congress - Bases Left Blacked Out

LA Says to hell with traffic tickets! NO TICKETS FOR ANYONE!

Arkansa School Director Head of Child Fight Club Ring

Luke Rosiak Ohio Medicaid Fraud

Man Pulls Police Car with Penis for Prostate Awareness

Baseball Pitcher Throwing 103.6 10 times

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On May 1, 2026—International Workers’ Day—tens of thousands of demonstrators participated in coordinated actions across the United States under the banner of “May Day Strong.” Organizers described the day as a nationwide “economic blackout” emphasizing “no school, no work, no shopping” to protest Trump administration policies, focusing on worker protections, opposition to immigration enforcement, and demands to prioritize working families over billionaire influence. Events ranged from rallies and marches to teach-ins and limited civil disobedience, occurring in every state and Washington, D.C. Reports consistently place the total number of planned demonstrations between 3,000 and 4,000+, involving a broad coalition of labor unions, student groups, community organizations, and advocacy networks.

The actions built on earlier 2026 protest waves, including “No Kings” events, and drew explicit participation from traditional labor bodies alongside more ideologically defined socialist and communist-affiliated groups. While turnout varied by location—with major gatherings in Chicago, New York, Los Angeles, Raleigh, and Portland—precise national attendance figures remain estimates due to the decentralized nature of the events. Organizers highlighted solidarity across sectors; independent coverage documented visible involvement from hard-left organizations alongside mainstream Democratic-aligned entities and unions.

School Walkouts and Student Participation: A State-by-State Breakdown

School involvement emerged as one of the most debated aspects of May Day Strong, with unions and youth groups encouraging civic participation that ranged from optional field trips and teach-ins to full district closures in some areas. The youth-led Sunrise Movement, a key organizer, publicly claimed that more than 100,000 students nationwide missed school in what it termed a “strike”—the largest single-day student action in over 80 years. Independent trackers and district reports provide a more granular picture, showing significant variation by state and district. Data from Defending Education’s K-12 protest tracker and local reporting indicate that 2026 has already seen elevated student activism, with May Day contributing to the year’s total of over 400 documented walkouts or protests across 48 states and D.C.

Here is a state-by-state summary of reported school-related participation on May 1, 2026, drawn from district statements, union reports, and news coverage:

• North Carolina: At least 20–22 school districts canceled classes outright in anticipation of teacher and student participation. Thousands of educators and protesters joined a major march through downtown Raleigh for the “Kids Over Corporations” rally, described by local outlets as one of the largest labor actions in state history. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools designated the day an optional teacher workday, allowing flexibility without full closure.

• Illinois (Chicago): Chicago Public Schools (CPS) remained open for a full day of instruction after the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) compromise on a “day of civic engagement.” The district approved approximately 40 field trips involving roughly 2,200 students (less than 1 percent of total enrollment) to the Union Park rally and downtown march, with buses and bagged lunches provided for up to 100 schools. High school attendance dipped modestly to about 72 percent (from a typical 75.8 percent the prior Friday), while roughly 87 percent of teachers remained in classrooms—about 13 percent absent, or roughly 700 more than average. Thousands overall attended the Chicago rally, though student turnout was lower than union expectations.

• California: Thousands marched in Los Angeles from MacArthur Park to Grand Park as part of broader May Day actions. Earlier 2026 anti-ICE walkouts had already seen significant scale in the state (e.g., nearly 12,500 LAUSD students from over 85 schools in February), setting a pattern for continued student mobilization. No widespread district-wide closures were reported for May 1, but localized walkouts and union-led events occurred in multiple cities, including areas with strong teacher union presence.

• New York: Hundreds to thousands participated in protests near the New York Stock Exchange, including some Sunrise Movement actions that led to arrests. Scattered school walkouts were reported in the metro area, though no large-scale district closures occurred. New York City schools maintained normal operations with optional participation for those with approved absences.

• Oregon (Portland): Several hundred attendees joined a teachers’ union rally. Localized student and educator participation was noted, though exact walkout numbers were not broken out separately from the broader protest crowd.

• Missouri (Kansas City): High school students walked out of classes to join the Missouri Workers Center and Sunrise Movement Kansas City at a downtown protest.

• Indiana: Purdue University students, coordinated through the campus Sunrise Movement chapter, organized a local walkout involving students, teachers, workers, and residents.

• Wisconsin (Madison): Madison Public Schools canceled classes, with local teachers’ unions reporting high participation rates—up to 70 percent in some accounts—though independent verification of exact student turnout was limited.

• Other States: Smaller or scattered actions were documented in Georgia, Washington (Seattle area), Minnesota (Minneapolis), Texas, and various battleground or Republican-leaning states. Nationwide, the Defending Education tracker logged hundreds of K-12 protests tied to immigration and labor themes throughout 2026, with May Day fitting into that pattern rather than driving a singular national spike.

Proponents framed student involvement as legitimate civic education and solidarity with working families. Critics, including parental advocacy groups and education watchdogs, argued it disrupted end-of-year learning, leveraged taxpayer-funded time and resources for partisan ends, and prioritized ideological mobilization over academics—particularly in districts already facing proficiency challenges.

Communist, Socialist, and Funding Ties: The Coalition and Financial Backbone

May Day’s historical roots in socialist and communist labor traditions were evident in participant branding, signs, and coalition literature. A Fox News investigation identified roughly 600 organizations—spanning hard-line communist, socialist, and Marxist groups alongside labor unions and progressive nonprofits—mobilizing the events. Combined annual revenue across the network exceeded $2 billion.

Key far-left participants included chapters of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), which publicly joined marches in Los Angeles and Minneapolis to demonstrate “collective working class power,” as well as the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), ANSWER Coalition, Code Pink, and Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) chapters. These operated under the May Day Strong umbrella, coordinated in part by the CTU and allies.

Significant funding traces to Neville Roy Singham, an American-born tech executive based in Shanghai, whose grants—totaling hundreds of millions—have supported organizations aligned with Chinese Communist Party priorities. The People’s Forum and related entities served as conduits. Traditional labor players, including the National Education Association (NEA), American Federation of Teachers (AFT), AFL-CIO affiliates, United Auto Workers locals, and National Nurses United, provided institutional resources. Prior analyses from Defending Education documented teachers’ unions directing over $1 billion in member dues toward left-leaning political causes, advocacy, and opposition to school choice between 2015 and recent years (national unions ~$669 million; state/local affiliates ~$339 million).

At least 13 state and local Democratic National Committee chapters, along with groups like Indivisible and MoveOn.org, endorsed or participated. Union leaders from the Illinois Federation of Teachers, CTU, and NEA emphasized defense of public education and working people. Coverage across outlets presented the events as a “red-blue alliance,” with participants stressing collective action against perceived elite capture.

Broader Context and Trade-Offs

The May 1 actions reflected deep national divisions: one perspective views them as a necessary resurgence of labor power and resistance to policies seen as harming vulnerable communities; another sees coordinated ideological mobilization that exploited public institutions and children, backed by domestic union dues, progressive philanthropy, and foreign-influenced funding streams. Attendance figures suggest effective mobilization of committed activists, though the day fell short of a transformative national shutdown.

As district-level data, union financial disclosures, and independent trackers continue to surface, the record offers a data-driven window into the mechanics of 2026 mobilization. Readers benefit from examining primary sources—district reports, coalition websites, and revenue filings—to assess how these trends intersect with education priorities, fiscal accountability, and the boundaries of civic engagement in public schools. The events underscore ongoing tensions over the role of unions, youth activism, and funding transparency in shaping political participation.

On April 28, 2026, the United Arab Emirates announced it would withdraw from the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the broader OPEC+ alliance effective May 1—just days after nearly six decades of membership. The move, confirmed by UAE Energy Minister Suhail Mohamed al-Mazrouei, removes one of the cartel’s largest and most capable producers from coordinated quota systems at a moment of acute global energy stress. With the Strait of Hormuz effectively closed amid the ongoing US-Israel conflict with Iran, oil markets are already grappling with historic supply disruptions. The UAE’s departure adds another layer of complexity to an already volatile landscape.

The UAE joined OPEC in 1967 through Abu Dhabi and maintained full membership after the federation’s formation in 1971. It ranks as the cartel’s third-largest producer behind Saudi Arabia and Iraq, currently pumping around 3.4–3.5 million barrels per day (bpd) with installed capacity reaching 4.8 million bpd and plans to expand toward 5 million bpd by 2027. By stepping outside the quota framework, the UAE gains the ability to set production levels independently, guided by what officials describe as “national interests” and a “longer-term economic vision.”

Why the UAE Left: National Strategy Meets Geopolitical Strain

UAE officials frame the exit as a policy evolution rather than a sudden rupture. The country has long chafed under OPEC production caps that constrained its output despite billions invested in upstream capacity—roughly $15 billion in recent years alone. With a highly diversified economy anchored by a massive sovereign wealth fund, the UAE’s fortunes are increasingly tied to global economic growth rather than oil-price volatility alone. Leaving frees it to ramp up exports in line with demand, potentially strengthening ties with major importers such as China and India while prioritizing domestic development goals.

The timing, however, coincides with extraordinary pressures. The Iran war has triggered an unprecedented energy crisis, with the Hormuz blockade severely limiting Gulf exports and driving crude prices higher (Brent recently trading around $111 per barrel). Analysts note growing rifts between the UAE and Saudi Arabia—the de facto leader of OPEC—exacerbated by differing approaches to the regional conflict and production policy. The UAE has criticized Gulf partners for insufficient action against Iranian threats, and its diversified economy positions it to weather potential price wars better than some peers. As one expert summarized, the UAE’s spare capacity (1–1.5 million bpd) represented critical flexibility for the cartel; its departure signals that national priorities have diverged from collective OPEC+ discipline.

Implications for OPEC and OPEC+

The exit delivers a tangible blow to OPEC’s cohesion and market influence. OPEC now operates with 11 members (down from 12), and the wider OPEC+ alliance—including Russia and other non-OPEC producers—loses control over a meaningful slice of global supply. Collectively, OPEC+ accounts for roughly 41 percent of world oil production; the UAE’s removal reduces the group’s share of the roughly 102 million bpd global market and erodes its ability to enforce output adjustments.

OPEC+ sources insist the alliance will remain intact and continue coordinating policy, with Saudi Arabia still able to steer decisions. Yet analysts across Reuters, the BBC, and energy consultancies warn of structural weakening: less spare capacity to offset disruptions, reduced credibility in quota enforcement, and heightened risk of internal fractures. If the UAE successfully boosts output post-Hormuz reopening, it could pressure prices downward, forcing Saudi Arabia into difficult choices—potentially triggering a price war that smaller, less diversified OPEC members (reliant on higher revenues) would struggle to endure. Long-term, the move diminishes the cartel’s historical leverage over global supplies, complicating efforts to stabilize or elevate prices during future gluts or shocks.

Effects on the World Oil Market and Beyond

Short-term impacts remain muted by the Hormuz blockade: the UAE cannot immediately flood markets with additional barrels even if it wants to. Global inventories are tight, and the broader supply crisis dominates price movements. Over the medium to longer term, however, the shift introduces new dynamics:

• Supply and Prices: Greater UAE autonomy could add 1–1.5 million bpd of incremental production once logistics normalize, anchoring prices lower in a post-crisis environment. Some forecasts see Brent easing toward the high $60s range within 12 months under ample-supply scenarios, though geopolitical volatility could sustain upside risks.

• Market Stability: OPEC’s reduced ability to manage output may increase price swings. The cartel’s spare-capacity tool—historically a stabilizer—loses a key contributor, potentially leading to more frequent boom-bust cycles.

• Geopolitical Ripples: The departure is widely viewed as a win for oil-importing nations and consumers, eroding cartel power in favor of market-driven forces. It aligns with broader shifts away from fossil-fuel dependence in some regions while underscoring Gulf states’ strategic recalibrations. For major importers like India and China, the prospect of steadier or cheaper supply offers relief amid diversification efforts.

Energy markets, refining margins, and related sectors (aviation, shipping, petrochemicals) stand to benefit from any supply relief, while upstream investors and national budgets in quota-dependent producers face new uncertainties.

Who Is Most Impacted—and the Trade-Offs

• OPEC and Saudi Arabia: The clearest losers in influence. Loss of the UAE’s production weight and institutional credibility weakens the group’s discipline mechanism. Saudi Arabia must now shoulder more of the burden for market management, potentially at higher domestic economic cost.

• Smaller OPEC Members: Countries with limited diversification and heavy reliance on oil revenues could suffer most if prices soften. Reduced cartel leverage may translate into lower fiscal stability for nations already stretched by global energy transitions.

• Global Consumers and Importers: Households, businesses, and economies in the US, Europe, Asia, and beyond gain from potential downward pressure on fuel and energy costs. Lower prices support inflation control, consumer spending, and industrial competitiveness—benefits that cut across ideological lines.

• The UAE: Primary beneficiary. Autonomy allows it to align production with its economic roadmap, capture more revenue during high-demand periods, and deepen non-oil partnerships without quota friction. Its diversified model buffers it against price volatility better than peers.

• Russia and OPEC+ Allies: Indirect pressure on the broader alliance’s effectiveness, though Russia’s own production remains outside direct OPEC quotas.

In balance, the exit reflects accelerating fragmentation in global energy governance. Supporters of freer markets see it as a healthy step toward competition and efficiency; traditional cartel defenders warn of instability and lost producer leverage. Data from the past decade shows OPEC+ has successfully influenced prices during downturns, but sustained quota adherence has grown more challenging amid shale growth, renewables, and internal rivalries.

The UAE’s departure does not dismantle OPEC overnight, nor does it instantly transform daily gasoline prices. It does, however, mark a pivotal realignment: a major Gulf producer prioritizing sovereign flexibility over collective discipline at a time when geopolitics and economics are pulling energy alliances in conflicting directions. As Hormuz tensions evolve and new production comes online, the full consequences will unfold in barrels, budgets, and balance sheets worldwide—underscoring how quickly yesterday’s energy certainties can give way to tomorrow’s recalibrations.

In April 2026, Lumen Technologies CEO Kate Johnson delivered a wake-up call that cut through the noise of daily tech headlines. From her company’s vantage point observing roughly 65 percent of worldwide internet traffic, Johnson reported that more than 50 percent of all planetary data flows now originate from AI bots and autonomous systems rather than human beings. These are not the crude spam scripts or basic scrapers of earlier decades. They are sophisticated, continuously operating “autonomous workers” that crawl, query, generate, and interact at scales and speeds once unimaginable.

This shift marks a profound reorientation of the internet: from a network built primarily for human-to-human exchange to a machine-to-machine ecosystem. Independent reports released around the same period reinforce the picture. Imperva’s 2025 Bad Bot Report documented automated traffic surpassing human activity for the first time in a decade, hitting 51 percent of global web traffic in 2024 and continuing upward. HUMAN Security’s 2026 State of AI Traffic & Cyberthreat Benchmark Report, analyzing over one quadrillion interactions, recorded AI-driven traffic growing 187 percent year-over-year in 2025, with agentic (autonomous acting) AI surging an extraordinary 7,851 percent. The data is consistent across backbone providers, cloud observatories, and security platforms: the internet’s machine layer has overtaken its human one.

Understanding this transformation requires looking at the geography of the traffic, the handful of organizations driving it, the economic and technical reasons behind the surge, and the practical trade-offs now facing publishers, businesses, infrastructure operators, and everyday users.

Where the Traffic Originates

The bulk of bot traffic flows from data centers and cloud infrastructure concentrated in the United States, which accounts for the lion’s share of origins according to multiple network telemetry sources. Major platforms such as Amazon Web Services and Google Cloud alone generate a significant portion of verified AI activity. Because Lumen’s backbone measurements capture the full spectrum—HTTP requests, APIs, data transfers, and machine-to-machine communications—the 50 percent-plus figure reflects total automated flows rather than just visible web-page loads.

Web-focused metrics tell a complementary story. Cloudflare’s 2025 Year in Review noted that, in datasets limited to HTML page requests, dedicated AI crawlers (excluding legacy search bots like Googlebot) averaged around 4.2 percent, while Googlebot itself hovered near 4.5 percent. When broader automated activity is included—training crawlers, real-time scrapers, legacy good bots, and malicious actors—the overall picture aligns with Lumen’s backbone view: machines now dominate. Concentration is highest in high-value verticals: retail and e-commerce, streaming and media, and travel and hospitality absorb over 95 percent of AI-driven traffic, where structured data on prices, inventory, content, and user behavior delivers the greatest commercial return.

Who Is Driving the Traffic

A small number of major technology companies account for the overwhelming majority of AI bot volume, creating a striking concentration of influence.

According to HUMAN Security’s 2026 analysis, OpenAI leads decisively with approximately 69 percent of observed AI bot traffic. Its suite includes GPTBot (for bulk training data collection), ChatGPT-User (real-time fetches triggered by user queries), OAI-SearchBot, and emerging agentic tools. Meta follows at roughly 16 percent through Meta-ExternalAgent, which supports Llama model development and AI features across its family of platforms. Anthropic contributes about 11 percent via ClaudeBot and related crawlers. The remaining share is split among Google (whose Googlebot serves dual purposes of search indexing and AI training), Microsoft’s Bingbot, Amazonbot, and smaller entrants such as Bytespider (ByteDance), PerplexityBot, and Applebot.

Cloudflare’s crawler rankings from mid-2025 to mid-2026 show similar patterns, with GPTBot surging dramatically in share while Googlebot remains a heavyweight due to its long-established role. This operator-level concentration means that policy decisions at just a few headquarters—on crawling rates, robots.txt compliance, data usage, and rate limiting—shape the load experienced by millions of websites worldwide.

Why Bots Operate at This Scale

The explosion is fueled by the insatiable appetite of modern AI systems for fresh, high-quality data. Traffic breaks down into three primary categories that have evolved rapidly since the launch of ChatGPT in late 2022:

1.  Model Training Crawlers (still the dominant share, historically 67–90 percent of AI bot volume). These systematically scan public web pages to gather training data for large language models. The goal is scale: billions of pages to improve accuracy, breadth of knowledge, and overall capabilities. Early 2025 saw training crawlers comprise up to 90 percent of AI traffic; even as diversification occurred, volumes grew 136 percent year-over-year.

2.  Real-Time Scrapers and Retrieval Tools (now roughly 25–32 percent and growing fastest in some segments). These fetch live data to power retrieval-augmented generation (RAG) features. When a user asks an AI assistant about current events, stock prices, product availability, or local inventory, an agent-triggered scraper pulls fresh information rather than relying solely on static training data. This category expanded over 15 times in 2025 according to some measurements.

3.  Agentic AI and Autonomous Agents (still a smaller base at around 1.7 percent by late 2025 but exploding 7,851 percent year-over-year). These bots do not merely read—they act. They navigate sites, compare options, fill forms, and in some cases complete transactions on behalf of users. The line between helpful automation and potential fraud vectors is narrowing; detection differences between benign and malicious agentic activity can be as slim as half a percentage point.

Legacy “good bots” (search indexing, uptime checks) and outright malicious actors (ad fraud, credential stuffing, price scraping, DDoS preparation) continue alongside the AI surge. Pre-2022, bots typically represented around 20 percent of traffic, driven mostly by Google’s crawler. Generative AI flipped the equation by making large-scale data collection cheaper, faster, and more automated than ever.

Implications: Opportunities, Frictions, and the Road Ahead

The bot-dominated internet carries clear benefits and equally clear costs that cut across innovation, economics, security, and the open web itself.

On the positive side, the surge accelerates AI capabilities that deliver better search, real-time assistance, personalized tools, and automation across industries. Productivity gains, more relevant results, and new services become possible precisely because these systems consume and synthesize vast amounts of public data. Infrastructure providers argue that programmable, consumption-based networks will rise to meet the demand, spurring innovation in networking, cybersecurity, and dynamic scaling.

Yet the frictions are substantial. Content creators, publishers, and smaller sites absorb much of the load: server costs rise, bandwidth bills climb, analytics become distorted by inflated or synthetic activity, and referral traffic sometimes declines as AI summarizes information without sending users onward. Many operators have responded by tightening robots.txt rules or implementing rate limits; millions of sites now block major AI crawlers outright. Energy consumption in data centers increases alongside traffic volumes. Security teams face blurred lines between legitimate automation and malicious activity, complicating defense while opening new surfaces for fraud—agent-driven account takeovers, synthetic commerce, or coordinated manipulation.

Economically, this represents a large-scale transfer: publicly created web content increasingly trains private AI models, often without direct compensation to original creators. Ongoing debates over copyright, fair use, and data licensing reflect the tension. Some frame it as “data colonialism” by dominant tech platforms; others view

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Spencer Pratt Election Ad “They Not Like Us”

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