Taking Greenland to Save Red Lobster - Per the New Yorker

Article linked, it's pay walled though

In the crisp Arctic light of a late-winter Saturday in Nuuk, Greenland, a thousand people—nearly five percent of the capital’s population—marched toward the small red cabin bearing the Great Seal of the United States. Drums beat in the freezing air as they chanted “Kalaallit Nunaat,” their Inuit name for the land, protesting what many saw as an existential threat. It was early in Donald Trump’s second term, and the U.S. consulate, reopened quietly during the pandemic, had become ground zero for tensions over America’s bold ambitions.

According to a deeply reported piece in *The New Yorker* by Ben Taub, Trump’s fixation on acquiring Greenland wasn’t new. It dated back to his first term, sparked by a suggestion from longtime friend Ronald Lauder. What began as a seemingly outlandish idea—buying the world’s largest island—evolved into a mix of official policy, private influence operations, and opportunistic maneuvering by a small circle of ideologues and loyalists.

Enter Chris Cox, founder of Bikers for Trump. Dressed in cowhide and a leather vest with a Trump patch, Cox arrived in Nuuk like an unofficial envoy. He handed out flyers, struck friendly tones with locals (“We are not looking at you like a tiger looks at a gazelle”), but also made lists of annexation-friendly and resistant Greenlanders, probed historical grievances with Denmark, and floated ideas for a separatist push. He later briefed Washington circles and appeared on One America News Network, framing Denmark as a colonial power exploiting Inuit “Stockholm syndrome.” Death threats followed, and Greenlanders donned “Make America Go Away” caps in response. Yet Cox’s efforts earned him a spot on a Department of Homeland Security advisory council.

Joining this loose network were figures like Tom Dans, a former venture capitalist and pecan farmer who had served in Trump’s first administration at Treasury, and Drew Horn, a former Army Special Forces commander with interests in Greenland’s rare-earth mining sector. Both had quietly participated in a secret National Security Council task force during Trump’s first term focused on acquisition. A fourth key player, Jørgen Boassen—one of the few vocal Greenlandic Trump supporters—traveled in far-right circles abroad, his expenses reportedly covered by unidentified American benefactors.

*The New Yorker* details how Trump’s rhetoric escalated post-inauguration: “One way or another, we’re gonna get it.” He framed it through an updated Monroe Doctrine lens in the National Security Strategy, aiming to keep non-hemispheric powers (Russia, China) out of the Arctic. Melting ice opened new sea lanes and resource opportunities, with the U.S. already holding significant military access via the 1951 treaty and Pituffik Space Base. But ownership, Trump insisted, was “psychologically important.”

Tensions rippled outward. Danish officials prepared contingencies, including blowing up runways in case of invasion. Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen warned that a U.S. attack on a NATO ally would end the alliance and the post-WWII order. Trump’s texts to allies dismissed historical claims and emphasized total control for global security. Meanwhile, broader U.S. actions—kidnapping Venezuela’s president, war with Iran, threats elsewhere—kept Greenland somewhat out of the spotlight, but influence operations continued.

The story, as told in *The New Yorker*, paints a portrait of a shifting world order: American primacy giving way to raw power plays, where personal proximity to the President often trumped traditional diplomacy. Insiders like former NSC officials Fiona Hill and John Bolton recalled cloak-and-dagger efforts to manage or deflect the idea early on, only to see it gain momentum through vultures circling for opportunity.

Greenland—vast, sparsely populated (under 57,000 residents, mostly along the western coast), rich in strategic minerals and location—became a symbol. For Trump and his circle, it represented expansion into “new and beautiful horizons.” For Greenlanders and Danes, it threatened self-rule, identity, and the delicate balance of Arctic security. Whether fantasy or impending reality, the plan highlighted how informal networks and presidential whim could reshape alliances and global norms.

As one cartoon in the piece wryly noted amid the absurdity and stakes: “Sorry, but it’s gonna be much better this way.” The full, nuanced account in *The New Yorker* (June 22, 2026 issue) is essential reading for understanding the blend of the ludicrous and the deadly serious at play.